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Clap, clap, clap your hands Clap your hands together Clap, clap, clap your hands Clap your hands together. Shake, shake, shake your hands Shake your hands together Shake, shake, shake your hands Shake your hands together.
Pound, pound, pound your hands Pound your hands together Pound, pound, pound your hands Pound your hands together. Roll, roll, roll your hands Roll your hands together Roll, roll, roll your hands Roll your hands together.
Pat, pat, pat your face Pat your face together Pat, pat, pat your face Pat your face together. Head and shoulders knees and toes Knees and toes Head and shoulders knees and toes Knees and toes Ad eyes and ears And mouth and nose Head and shoulders knees and toes Knees and toes. Hickory dickory dock, The mouse ran up the clock.
The clock struck one, The mouse ran down, Hickory dickory dock. London Bridge is falling down, Falling down, falling down. London Bridge is falling down, My fair lady. Build it up with wood and clay, Wood and clay, wood and clay, Build it up with wood and clay, My fair lady. Wood and clay will wash away, Wash away, wash away, Wood and clay will wash away, My fair lady. Build it up with bricks and mortar, Bricks and mortar, bricks and mortar, Build it up with bricks and mortar, My fair lady.
Bricks and mortar will not stay, Will not stay, will not stay, Bricks and mortar will not stay, My fair lady. Build it up with silver and gold, Silver and gold, silver and gold, Build it up with silver and gold, My fair lady. We all fall down. Row, row, row the boat, gently down the stream Marrily, merrily, merrily, merrily, life is but a dream.
Ride, ride, ride the bus merrily down the street. Pay the driver, get on board and kindly take a seat! Drive, drive, drive the truck to the park today. Dump the sand into the box so everyone can play. Drive, drive, drive the fire engine round about Climb the ladder, spray the water, put the fire out. Ride, ride, ride the train up the hills and down Passing through the countryside and passing through the towns.
Snowflake, snowflake, little snowflake. Little snowflake falling from the sky. Falling, falling, falling, falling, falling, falling, falling, falling, falling… falling on my head. Falling, falling, falling, falling, falling, falling, falling, falling, falling… falling on my nose. Falling, falling, falling, falling, falling, falling, falling, falling, falling… falling in my hand. The British, as you know, take your merchant ships off the high seas on the way to Rotterdam because they say anything that goes to Rotterdam is going to go to Germany, so they take American ships off the high seas.
The British have put cotton—cotton! They interfere with letters going to the continent because they think there's military intelligence possibly involved. The British are imposing in many ways on Americans. So if you hold them responsible, we'll behave ourselves as far as submarines go.
This was not to be the case, and the attitude of the Americans towards British violations of neutral rights were quite different. One time, for instance, he gets a message from the State Department saying, "Tell the British they have to stop interfering with American mail shipments to neutral ports.
Let's get together and try to answer this. The British were never held to the same standard as the Germans. At home, Theodore Roosevelt, who in previous years had been a great friend of the Kaiser's and a great admirer of Germany, now says we have to get into this war right away. Besides that, there's a campaign for preparedness for building up the American Navy, drilling American citizens in combat techniques.
There's a kind of hysteria, really, that travels over the country considering that there's—at this time, certainly—no chance, no chance of some kind of immediate threat to the United States. And people like Roosevelt and Wilson begin talking in a very unfortunate way.
Wilson says, for instance, "In America we have too many hyphenated Americans"—of course he meant German-Americans, Irish-Americans—"and these people are not totally loyal to our country. And this diplomatic negotiation, the exchange of memos, goes on for the next few years. In January of , the Americans, not having been able to budge the British in the least on any British violation of American rights; the British blockade intensifying; the Germans really feeling hunger in a very literal sense, especially the people on the on the home front; the Kaiser is persuaded by his Admirals and Generals to begin unrestricted submarine warfare around the British Isles.
The American position by this time had solidified, had become a totally rigid one, and when all is said and done, when you go through all of the back-and-forth memoranda and notes and principles established, the United States went to war against Germany in for the right of Americans to travel in armed belligerent merchant ships carrying munitions through war zones. Wilson's position was that even in that case the Germans simply had no right to attack the ship as long as there are Americans on the ship.
Shall I repeat that? Armed belligerent—that is to say, English—armed English merchant ships carrying munitions could not be fired upon by the Germans as long as there were American citizens on board. And it was for the right of Americans to go into the war zone on such vessels that we finally went to war. After months of deliberations and with the situation on the home front becoming increasingly desperate, the German military commanders decided to resume their unrestricted submarine warfare in As expected, US merchant ships were sunk, including four ships in late March alone.
On April 2, , Woodrow Wilson made his historic speech calling for Congress to declare war on Germany and commit US troops to European battlefields for the first time. The speech, made over one hundred years ago by and for a world that has long since passed away, still resonates with us today. Embedded within it is the rhetoric of warfare that has been employed by president after president, prime minister after prime minister, in country after country and war after war right down to the current day.
From it comes many of the phrases that we still recognize today as the language of lofty ideals and noble causes that always accompany the most bloody and ignoble wars. With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against the government and people of the United States.
The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.
Hindsight or cynicism might make us smile at the thought that this war was sometimes called That Great Adventure. Never again would we see our entry into a major conflict excite so many to such heights of elation. But here was a generation of young men not yet saturated by the paralyzing variety of self-analysis and the mock sciences. They believed! House, the Milner Group, the Pilgrims, the Wall Street financiers and all of those who had worked so diligently for so many years to bring Uncle Sam into war had got their wish.
And before the war was over, millions more casualties would pile up. Carnage the likes of which the world had never seen before had been fully unleashed. The trenches and the shelling. The no man's land and the rivers of blood. The starvation and the destruction. The carving up of empires and the eradication of an entire generation of young men. To this day, over years later, we still look back on the horrors of that "Great War" with confusion.
For so long we have been told non-answers about incompetent generals and ignorant politicians. But, now that the players who worked to set the stage for this carnage have been unmasked, these questions can finally be answered. A week of rain, wind and heavy fog along the Western Front finally breaks, and for a moment there is silence in the hills north of Verdun.
That silence is broken at AM when the Germans launch an artillery barrage heralding the start of the largest battle the world had ever seen. Thousands of projectiles are flying in all directions, some whistling, others howling, others moaning low, and all uniting in one infernal roar.
From time to time an aerial torpedo passes, making a noise like a gigantic motor car. With a tremendous thud a giant shell bursts quite close to our observation post, breaking the telephone wire and interrupting all communication with our batteries.
A man gets out at once for repairs, crawling along on his stomach through all this place of bursting mines and shells. It seems quite impossible that he should escape in the rain of shell, which exceeds anything imaginable; there has never been such a bombardment in war.
Our man seems to be enveloped in explosions, and shelters himself from time to time in the shell craters which honeycomb the ground; finally he reaches a less stormy spot, mends his wires, and then, as it would be madness to try to return, settles down in a big crater and waits for the storm to pass. Beyond, in the valley, dark masses are moving over the snow-covered ground. It is the German infantry advancing in packed formation along the valley of the attack. They look like a big gray carpet being unrolled over the country.
We telephone through to the batteries and the ball begins. The sight is hellish. In the distance, in the valley and upon the slopes, regiments spread out, and as they deploy fresh troops come pouring in. There is a whistle over our heads. It is our first shell. It falls right in the middle of the enemy infantry.
We telephone through, telling our batteries of their hit, and a deluge of heavy shells is poured on the enemy. Their position becomes critical. Through glasses we can see men maddened, men covered with earth and blood, falling one upon the other. When the first wave of the assault is decimated, the ground is dotted with heaps of corpses, but the second wave is already pressing on. This anonymous French staff officer's account of the artillery offensive that opened the Battle of Verdun—recounting the scene as an heroic French communications officer repairs the telephone line to the French artillery batteries, allowing for a counter-strike against the first wave of German infantry—brings a human dimension to a conflict that is beyond human comprehension.
The opening salvo of that artillery barrage alone—involving 1, guns of all sizes—dropped a staggering 2. By the time the battle finished 10 months later, a million casualties lay in its wake. A million stories of routine bravery, like that of the French communications officer. And Verdun was far from the only sign that the stately, sanitized version of 19th century warfare was a thing of the past. Similar carnage played out at the Somme and Gallipoli and Vimy Ridge and Galicia and a hundred other battlefields.
Time and again, the generals threw their men into meat grinders, and time and again the dead bodies lay strewn on the other side of that slaughter. The simplest explanation is that the mechanization of 20th century armies had changed the logic of warfare itself. In this reading of history, the horrors of World War One were the result of the logic dictated by the technology with which it was fought.
It was the logic of the siege guns that bombarded the enemy from over kilometres away. It was the logic of the poison gas, spearheaded by Bayer and their School for Chemical Warfare in Leverkusen. It was the logic of the tank, the airplane, the machine gun and all of the other mechanized implements of destruction that made mass slaughter a mundane fact of warfare. But this is only a partial answer. More than just technology was at play in this "Great War," and military strategy and million-casualty battles were not the only ways that World War One had changed the world forever.
Like that unimaginable artillery assault at Verdun, the First World War tore apart all the verities of the Old World, leaving a smouldering wasteland in its wake.
For the would-be engineers of society, war—with all of its attendant horrors—was the easiest way to demolish the old traditions and beliefs that lay between them and their goals.
This was recognized early on by Cecil Rhodes and his original clique of co-conspirators. As we have seen, it was less than one decade after the founding of Cecil Rhodes' society to achieve the " peace of the world " that that vision was amended to include war in South Africa, and then amended again to include embroiling the British Empire in a world war.
Many others became willing participants in that conspiracy because they, too, could profit from the destruction and the bloodshed. It is possibly the oldest, easily the most profitable, surely the most vicious. It is the only one international in scope. It is the only one in which the profits are reckoned in dollars and the losses in lives. A racket is best described, I believe, as something that is not what it seems to the majority of the people.
Only a small "inside" group knows what it is about. It is conducted for the benefit of the very few, at the expense of the very many. Out of war a few people make huge fortunes. In the World War [One] a mere handful garnered the profits of the conflict. At least 21, new millionaires and billionaires were made in the United States during the World War. That many admitted their huge blood gains in their income tax returns.
How many other war millionaires falsified their tax returns no one knows. How many of these war millionaires shouldered a rifle? How many of them dug a trench? How many of them knew what it meant to go hungry in a rat-infested dug-out? How many of them spent sleepless, frightened nights, ducking shells and shrapnel and machine gun bullets?
How many of them parried a bayonet thrust of an enemy? How many of them were wounded or killed in battle? As the most decorated Marine in the history of the United States at the time of his death, Smedley Butler knew of what he spoke.
Having seen the minting of those tens of thousands of "new millionaires and billionaires" out of the blood of his fellow soldiers, his famous rallying cry, War Is A Racket , has resonated with the public since he first began—in his own memorable words —"trying to educate the soldiers out of the sucker class. Indeed, the war profiteering on Wall Street started even before America joined the war. Although, as J. Morgan partner Thomas Lamont noted , at the outbreak of the war in Europe, "American citizens were urged to remain neutral in action, in word, and even in thought, our firm had never for one moment been neutral; we didn't know how to be.
From the very start we did everything we could to contribute to the cause of the Allies. John Pierpont Morgan himself died in —before the passage of the Federal Reserve Act he had stewarded into existence and before the outbreak of war in Europe—but the House of Morgan stood strong, with the Morgan bank under the helm of his son, John Pierpont Morgan, Jr.
The young Morgan moved quickly to leverage his family's connections with the London banking community and the Morgan bank signed its first commercial agreement with the British Army Council in January , just four months into the war. Similar arrangements with the French, Russian, Italian, and Canadian governments saw the bank broker billions more in supplies for the Allied war effort. But this game of war financing was not without its risks. If the Allied powers were to lose the war, the Morgan bank and the other major Wall Street banks would lose the interest on all of the credit they had extended to them.
By , the situation was dire. But the debts continued to mount, and throughout and , the US Treasury—aided by the Pilgrims Society member and avowed Anglophile Benjamin Strong, president of the newly-created Federal Reserve— quietly paid off the Allied powers' war debts to J.
America was so deeply involved in that war financing. There was so much money which could only really be repaid as long as Britain and France won. But had they lost, the loss on the American financial stock exchange's top market—your great industrial giants—would have been horrendous. So America was deeply involved. Not the people, as is ever the case. Not the ordinary citizen who cares. But the financial establishment who had, if you like, treated the entire thing as they might a casino and put all the money on one end of the board and it had to come good for them.
So all of this is going on. I mean, I personally feel that the American people don't realize just how far duped they were by your Carnegies, your J. Morgans, your great bankers, your Rockefellers, by the multi-multimillionaires who emerged from that war. Because they were the ones who made the profits, not those who lost their sons, lost their grandsons, whose lives were ruined forever by war.
After America officially entered the war, the good times for the Wall Street bankers got even better. Bernard Baruch—the powerful financier who personally led Woodrow Wilson into Democratic Party headquarters in New York " like a poodle on a string " to receive his marching orders during the election—was appointed to head the newly created " War Industries Board.
With war hysteria at its height, Baruch and the fellow Wall Street financiers and industrialists who populated the board were given unprecedented powers over manufacture and production throughout the American economy, including the ability to set quotas, fix prices, standardize products, and, as a subsequent congressional investigation showed, pad costs so that the true size of the fortunes that the war profiteers extracted from the blood of the dead soldiers was hidden from the public.
The extent of government intervention in the economy would have been unthinkable just a few years before. The National War Labor Board was set up to mediate labor disputes. The Food and Fuel Control Act was passed to give the government control over the distribution and sale of food and fuel. The Army Appropriations Act of set up the Council of National Defense, populated by Baruch and other prominent financiers and industrialists, who oversaw private sector coordination with the government in transportation, industrial and farm production, financial support for the war, and public morale.
In his memoirs at the end of his life, Bernard Baruch openly gloated :. The [War Industries Board] experience had a great influence upon the thinking of business and government. We helped inter the extreme dogmas of laissez faire, which had for so long molded American economic and political thought.
Our experience taught that government direction of the economy need not be inefficient or undemocratic, and suggested that in time of danger it was imperative. But it was not merely to line the pockets of the well-connected that the war was fought. More fundamentally, it was a chance to change the very consciousness of an entire generation of young men and women.
For the class of would-be social engineers that arose in the Progressive Era—from economist Richard T. Ely to journalist Herbert Croly to philosopher John Dewey—the "Great War" was not a horrific loss of life or a vision of the barbarism that was possible in the age of mechanized warfare, but an opportunity to change people's perceptions and attitudes about government, the economy, and social responsibility.
Dewey, for example, wrote of " The Social Possibilities of War. In every warring country there has been the same demand that in the time of great national stress production for profit be subordinated to production for use.
Legal possession and individual property rights have had to give way before social requirements. The old conception of the absoluteness of private property has received the world over a blow from which it will never wholly recover. All countries on all sides of the world conflict responded in the same way: by maximizing their control over the economy, over manufacturing and industry, over infrastructure, and even over the minds of their own citizens.
Germany had its Kriegssozialismus , or war socialism, which placed control of the entire German nation, including its economy, its newspapers, and, through conscription—its people—under the strict control of the Army. In Russia, the Bolsheviks used this German "war socialism" as a basis for their organization of the nascent Soviet Union.
In Canada, the government rushed to nationalize railways, outlaw alcohol, institute official censorship of newspapers, levy conscription, and, infamously, introduce a personal income tax as a " temporary war time measure " that continues to this day. The British government soon recognized that control of the economy was not enough; the war at home meant control of information itself.
The bureau's initial purpose was to persuade America to enter the war, but that mandate soon expanded to shape and mold public opinion in favour of the war effort and of the government itself. On September 2, , the head of the War Propaganda Bureau invited twenty-five of Britain's most influential authors to a top secret meeting. Among those present at the meeting: G. Not revealed until decades after the war ended, many of those present agreed to write propaganda material promoting the government's position on the war, which the government would get commercial printing houses, including Oxford University Press, to publish as seemingly independent works.
Chesterton wrote The Barbarism of Berlin. In total, the Bureau published over 1, propaganda pamphlets over the course of the war. Hillaire Belloc later rationalized his work in service of the government: "It is sometimes necessary to lie damnably in the interests of the nation. But the Bureau's efforts were not confined to the literary world.
Film, visual art, recruitment posters; no medium for swaying the hearts and minds of the public was overlooked. By , the government's efforts to shape perception of the war—now officially centralized under a "Minister of Information," Lord Beaverbrook—was the most finely tuned purveyor of propaganda the world had yet seen.
Even foreign propaganda, like the infamous Uncle Sam that went beyond a recruitment poster to become a staple of American government iconography, was based on a British propaganda poster featuring Lord Kitchener. Control of the economy. Control of populations. Control of territory. Control of information. World War One was a boon for all of those who wanted to consolidate control of the many in the hands of the few. This was the vision that united all those participants in the conspiracies that led to the war itself.
Beyond Cecil Rhodes and his secret society, there was a broader vision of global control for the would-be rulers of society who were seeking what tyrants had lusted after since the dawn of civilization: control of the world. World War One was merely the first salvo in this clique's attempt to create not a reordering of this society or that economy, but a New World Order. GROVE : What World War One allowed these globalists, these Anglophiles, these people who wanted the English-speaking union to reign over the whole world, what it allowed them to do, was militarize American thinking.
And what I mean by that is there was a whistle blower called Norman Dodd. He was the head researcher for the Reese committee that looked into how nonprofit foundations were influencing American education away from freedom. And what they found was the Carnegie [Endowment] for International Peace was seeking to understand how to make America a wartime economy, how to take the state apparatus over, how to change education to get people to continually consume, how to have arms production ramp up.
And then once this happened in World War One, if you look at what happened in the s, you've got people like Major General Smedley Butler, who is using the US military to advance corporate interest in Central and South America and doing some very caustic things to the indigenous people, insofar as these were not American policies really before the Spanish-American War in Meaning that going and taking foreign military action was not part of the diplomatic strategy of America prior to our engagement with the British Empire in the late s and as it ramped up after Cecil Rhodes's death.
So what these people gained was the foothold for world government from which they could get through globalism, what they called a "New World Order. The creation of this "New World Order" was no mere parlor game. All the benefits of Deezer Premium at a discounted annual price. Student discount. All the benefits of Deezer Premium at half the price to get the most out of student life.
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